
The humanitarian disaster accompanying the recent earthquake in Sichuan, China has captured the world’s attention, and in the process has shed light on changes to aspects of governance in China that may have far reaching implications. The Chinese government’s response to the crisis represents an improvement over its reaction to crises in the past, such as the 1976 Tangshan earthquake or the SARS outbreak of 2003. This is not surprising, given China’s significant social and economic advances over the last three decades. Part of the reason for the improvement is the dramatic change in the way that the press and NGOs have been allowed to function this time around. However, despite the space that has been seized by the media, for example, the earthquake has also exposed the tangible, deadly effects of corruption in Chinese society.
The 2007 Countries at the Crossroads report on China highlighted both self-censorship and the use of “prior restraints” to severely restrict news outlets, and indeed, both of these tactics have been used by the Chinese government in an attempt to control the media’s coverage of the earthquake. However, the New York Times reported that overwhelming domestic interest in the earthquake led many Chinese journalists to ignore the instructions of the central government, overwhelming the government’s initial efforts at micromanaging coverage and creating a “blush of independent reporting.” Others have pointed out, however, that despite the more open media environment surrounding the earthquake, the government’s propaganda department has still been actively attempting to control the coverage and has been largely successful in setting the tone of reporting. Chinese journalists have also largely avoided questions surrounding the collapse of schools and its relationship to corruption.
NGOs and volunteers have also taken an unusually active role in responding to the earthquake, spurred in part by the vigorous and dramatic coverage that it has received. Aided by internet-based tools, small, unregistered citizens’ organizations are essentially functioning as legitimate earthquake relief NGOs; this represents a significant departure for the central government, which is typically wary of independent grassroots organizations that operate beyond its control. Larger NGOs have stepped in to coordinate relief efforts among volunteers as well. As with the press, this is unlikely a harbinger of a new age of openness, but it is progress.
Despite these developments in press freedom and civil society, the quake has also shed light on problematic features of Chinese governance. The most visible is the pernicious effect of corruption and the government’s difficulties in combating it. As it became clear that a disproportionately large number of the collapsed buildings were schools, questions about school building corruption that have long festered at the local level suddenly became a matter of national and international outrage. Those seeking answers turned angrily on local officials for explanation; notably, national officials have been largely spared from the people’s wrath. This highlights another perennial governance issue in China: the disconnect between the central government and the local level. The national government may well sacrifice some local officials in the name of justice but many citizens are now more aware than ever that the lack of meaningful and effective oversight is a critical shortcoming in Chinese governance.
The Chinese government should be recognized for the small, positive steps it has taken and encouraged to operate with transparency during natural disasters. However, once the immediate effects of this crisis have been dealt with, the Chinese people would be well served by continuing to push the line, demanding information and taking a hard look at the endemic corruption that contributed to the scale of this disaster. The response of the central government to such continued pressure will be far more revealing than the restrained attitude that has been displayed in recent weeks.
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