Tunisia is widely known for its stunning beaches and plentiful tourist locales. While visitors are delighted by the sunny climate and the wonderful scenery, foreign leaders praise the country’s political stability, its economic performance and its role as faithful ally in the war against against terrorism. But the sunny surface masks a darker political reality in North Africa’s most westernized state.
A new round of presidential and legislative elections will be held in 2009, and President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali on Friday promised greater freedom for opposition parties. In reality, however, there is no true opportunity for the effective rotation of power in Tunisia’s non-transparent, flawed election system, and the balance of power will almost certainly not change following the 2009 balloting. Since independence from France in 1956, the country has only known two presidents - both belonging to the same party. This party, which has changed names over time, is currently known as the Rassemblement Constitutionelle Democratique (Constitutional Democratic Rally or RCD). After a bloodless coup in 1987, current President Ben Ali succeeded Habib Bourguina and the country experienced a brief political spring that raised hope for more freedom of expression and political diversity. But the flowering was short, and two years later the country was back to autocratic rule. No real change is on the horizon: the Economist quotes a retired editor in Tunis as stating “The only question for me in our vote is what number comes after the point, after the 99%” (for the RCD). Considering that the president already successfully advocated for a constitutional change allowing an unlimited number of successive presidential terms, another election will be tantamount to making Mr. Ben Ali de facto president for life.
Rhetorically, the government supports democracy, human rights and press freedom. But the reality looks different: campaigning opportunities for parties are far from equal; legal recognition for human right organizations can take years (if it happens at all); and the current media law allows outright bans on media that ‘disturb the public order’ or offend the president. Lack of press freedom is one of the major problems in Tunisia, which operates one of the world’s most repressive media environments. As a recent report by the Committee to Protect Journalism (CPJ) reveals, restrictions on press freedom range from economic suppression, like the threatened loss of governmental subsidies and advertisement and blocking of critical online news sites, to campaigns of defamation and judicial harassment. Just in October, one of the few critical online publications, Kalima, was shut down. Tunisia also has one of the highest numbers of jailed journalists in the Arab world. However, the Tunisian government seems to allow some independent newspapers to operate merely to keep up its international reputation. This Janus-faced strategy seems to pay off, as few foreign leaders rarely dare to criticize the dire circumstances. Condolezza Rice’s visit in September was a refreshing exception.
And that is leaving out the repression meted out by Tunisia’s security services. As the Countries at the Crossroads 2007 report indicates, “Abuses in prison are widespread, and appeals to the authorities from family members of the victims usually go unheeded. At the end of 2006, a large number of people were seized by the police, kept in custody without specific charges, and denied family contact and medical attention, all of which are illegal under Tunisian criminal law. Even after their release, authorities monitored the dissidents, denied them passports and most jobs, and warned them against speaking out about politics and human rights.” President Ben Ali likes to show his humanistic side by announcing prisoner releases – last Wednesday 21 notable political prisoners were granted their freedom – but without systemic reform the superficial nature of such actions will remain evident.
In order to complement Tunisia’s modern, secular state with a dose of political openness, the 2007 Crossroads report recommends a wide range of reforms. Those include a revision of the current media law; the enforcement of laws which prescribe equal campaigning opportunities for all parties; and the creation of a neutral and independent authority for the administration of the upcoming elections. Not only would such moves be appropriate from a basic democratic rights perspective; they would especially please Tunisia’s large and educated middle class, which is increasingly unhappy with the current state of its political freedoms.
Photo Credit: Flickr user smee_me
