On January 12th, Martin Ocampos Paez, the director of Paraguay's Hugua Nandu FM community radio station, was assassinated at his home in the city of Concepcion. The crime raised a red flag for activists concerned with Paraguay's ongoing battle with large-scale corruption, not to mention those monitoring press freedom. More specifically, members of Paraguay's journalists union have speculated that Paez's death was linked to comments he had made regarding ties between high-level Paraguayan politicians and illegal drug trafficking.
This tragic event takes place at a time when the Paraguay is supposedly engaged in a fierce battle against the endemic corruption that has eternally characterized its political scene. Last April 13, Fernando Lugo, a left-leaning former Catholic bishop, successfully challenged the long-dominant Colorado Party and won the country's presidential election. Throughout his campaign he made promises to combat the corruption and social inequality which had become embedded in Paraguayan politics and society during 61 years of uninterrupted Colorado Party rule. Indeed, in his inaugural address (Spanish link), Lugo proclaimed that “today, the exclusive, secretive Paraguay notorious for its corruption ends. Today, the history of a Paraguay whose authorities and citizens will be unconditional begins.”
For the majority of Paraguayans, Lugo’s victory represented the end of a dark (or at least gray) period in their country’s political history. Six months into his presidency, however, it is important to analyze the strides (or lack thereof) that Lugo has made towards the fulfillment of these difficult promises. The task that Lugo took upon his shoulders is colossal. In Transparency International’s 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index, Paraguay received a score of 2.4 out of 10 and a rank of 138 out of 180 countries. In the 2007 edition of Countries at the Crossroads, Paraguay was awarded a score of just 3.33 out of 7 in the “Anticorruption and Transparency” category; in the “Rule of Law” category, the country’s score was no better at 3.32. One of the biggest problems emphasized in the report is the incompetent, non-independent nature of the country’s judicial system. Given the politicization of the Supreme Court and most prosecutors' offices, investigations into the corrupt dealings of public officials are rare. In an encouraging interview with Transparency International, Lugo made an attempt to more specifically characterize Paraguay’s corruption problem. He identified the misappropriation of public funds, especially for personal enrichment, and the socially ingrained institution of the bribe as the most prevalent manifestations of the issue, along with old-fashioned clientelism and patronage.
Unsurprisingly, given the short time period, not much in the way of measurable progress has been made toward eliminating this systemic corruption. This is not to say that Lugo has completely ignored the issue. Thus far, he has attempted to combat corruption in both the National Administration of Navigation and Ports and the bodies responsible for operating the hydroelectric stations at Itaipu. In addition, the efforts of finance minister Dionisio Borda, who has been a key figure in the fight against corruption since even before Lugo's election, are laudable. Since August, Borda has initiated an overhaul of Paraguay's finance and customs ministries. Nevertheless, for the most part, Lugo’s initial promises have been only been followed up by more promises. Since his election, Lugo has vowed to create a National Anti-corruption Ministry and has also expressed his desire to institute controls within each government department. He has also vowed to address the lack of judicial independence in the country through constitutional reform. These things, however, require the sorts of political negotiations that a relative neophyte like Lugo may take time to learn, especially given his coalition's lack of a congressional majority.
Unfortunately, however, the grace period Paraguayans have thus far allowed Lugo to make good on his promises seems to be nearing its end. Recently, an ever-growing number of Paraguayans have expressed their displeasure at Lugo’s inaction. For example, activist Martin Almada alleged that the same government officials who have been in power since the dictatorship continue to rule the country. Furthermore, in a recent poll (Spanish link) by Paraguay’s Institute for Communication and Art, just 37% of Paraguayan respondents declared their belief that Lugo would be unable to decrease corruption. In another poll, 33.4% of the respondents revealed their conviction that Lugo has not fulfilled his campaign promises, while 30% expressed their opinion that Lugo has not named suitable candidates to important government posts. In the meantime, the arrival of the global economic crisis means that the president may find himself spending time originally intended for institutional reform instead devoted to putting out fires on the economic front.
The prospects for an effective resolution of this problem seem uncertain at best. Despite the rumblings of popular discontent, time is still on Lugo’s side. Nevertheless, in many ways, Lugo’s hands are tied. While he may have won the presidency, the Colorado Party, the veritable embodiment of the country’s corruption problem, retains control of both Congress and the judiciary. Considering that a systemic overhaul reaching into all corners of Paraguayan government will be necessary in order to truly bring about an end to country’s culture of corruption, the strength of the opposition poses a serious problem. As it stands today, even if Lugo remains dedicated to his current crusade against corruption, he may potentially be destined to win a few battles while losing the war.
Photo Credit: Flickr user Fernando Lugo APC
